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Say What?

It's come to this: The chief project to restate Democratic economics for our time was unveiled a couple of weeks ago, and it's named after the father of American conservatism, Alexander Hamilton. ~Harold Meyerson, The Washington Post

Before Mr. Meyerson gets himself tangled up in too many knots at the betrayal of Democrats going all wobbly on the question of the Bank of the United States (I do believe old Woodrow threw in the towel on that one, to the chagrin of all republicans, constitutionalists, sound-money men and silverites alike), a minor correction: whatever Alexander Hamilton was, and whatever he may have happened to get right in his career, he was not the father of American conservatism. For starters, no conservative of note I know of has ever claimed him as such. Second, it makes no sense. (Then again, neither does the Democrats' so-called "Hamilton Project," which involves resurrecting the corpse of the DLC's economic agenda complete with Bob Rubin as financial guru--it is the New Democrats, not the old Hamiltonians, who really bother Mr. Meyerson.)

Hamilton did ably defend the Constitution, but in doing so he showed his allegiance to the forces of political centralisation and consolidation and otherwise was notable for seeking to create a sort of aristocracy of wealth to which he, a parvenu from the Caribbean, assuredly aspired to belong. Most serious conservatives, especially Southern conservatives, may be willing today to entertain Hamiltonian-style tariffs for a host of economic and political reasons, but their affinity for the man and his ideas ends there.

This idea of Hamilton-as-conservative is the flip side of the myth that the Jeffersonians are the philosophical ancestors of modern liberals, who repudiate at least 90% of what Jefferson believed about limited government, republicanism and state sovereignty (among other things). Hamilton was from the tawdry side of the Federalists, the sort of grasping person who fit Jefferson's stereotype of the servant of the "moneyed interest" all too well, and the genuinely more conservative and agrarian party in American politics did not become reconciled to the idea of any kind of Bank associated with the federal government. Unless serving the "moneyed interest" and corrupting the Republic through empowering that interest are "conservative" traits (and, alas, some of the adherents of the modern conservative movement would give many people that impression), Hamilton was not any kind of conservative I would recognise. But this mythology of Hamilton-the-conservative suits the GOP just fine, as it can pretend that the party of consolidation, "internal improvements," industry and internal empire has always been the conservative party.

Daniel Larison | April 19, 2006



Comments

You're too hard on Hamilton, in my view. He should have a distinguished place in the Conservative pantheon for being the primary mind behind The Federalist alone. There is no more important work in the American political tradition, and if our charge as American Conservatives is to conserve that tradition, then The Federalist must be the very touchstone of an authentic American Conservatism.

Paul J Cella | 04/20/06 06:56

His work on the Federalist certainly earns him the respect of conservatives, and it serves as an important basis for understanding the Constitution, and if he had stopped there I would have no great problems with him. His later work as Treasury Secretary, while it may be admired by more than a few, showed him to have principles of constitutional interpretation that lended themselves to the broadest possible reading in his time. Besides the danger that there has always been in allying a concentration of wealth in the Bank with a concentration of power in government, his flexible reading of the Constitution paves the way (as does so much Federalist mischief in judicial interpretations) for the later deformations of the Republic. That is not to write Hamilton off, but it is to question whether he, and not Adams (or perhaps Adams and Jefferson together, to avoid sectional bias), should be called father of conservatism. Certainly his more realistic understanding of human nature and passions, and his skepticism of democracy show him to have had additional admirable traits, but John Adams shared these views, tended not to possess his flaws and had what I regard as a generally more conservative temperament. He was not interested in wielding money and finance to break local social hierarchies and replace the old guard with money men, in part because he was part of an established social hierarchy while Hamilton was an ambitious and talented climber. Perhaps that's quibbling, and perhaps someone will rush to the defense of Hamilton's desire to break down social structures, but I don't see how it can be a conservative defense. Hamilton's "early" writings have much to recommend themselves to us, but I think it is misleading to endorse him as "father of American conservatism."

As I mentioned in the post, it suits the Democrats who go to Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinners to believe that they represent something more than a technical partisan continuity with those individuals, just as it might suit the GOP to consider itself to be the natural heir to the conservative lineage, but neither of these claims is true.

Daniel Larison | 04/21/06 09:58

Yes, the "father of American conservatism" is too much. I would say, however, that the closest thing there is to a "father" of American Conservatism is The Federalist.

Also, I am very skeptical of the standard attack on Hamilton as a social climber. Ambitious he surely was, and certainly not without flaws; but he surely died an honorable Christian man -- something that cannot be said for all of great American fathers.

Paul J Cella | 04/25/06 13:43

Fair enough. I can certainly acknowledge The Federalist as the source of a specifically American conservative tradition.

Perhaps I was a bit hard on the man. His conduct towards the Burrs was not exactly classy, but he ended up paying for it enough already. I meant to point to his ambition to rise up in society as the source of his hostility to established social hierarchies. It was not really intended as a shot against his character, but as an explanation for why he, as a "new" man, was a very different sort of Federalist than Adams or my cousin, William Plumer that put him less in sympathy with conservative sensibilities than most Federalists were.

Daniel Larison | 04/25/06 13:59

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